PART TWO
Why did liberal democracy–an entirely new form of political organization–became intelligible, attractive, and possible a mere two centuries ago?
We are lucky. We, or at least most of us, in this course enjoy the blessings of living in a Liberal Democratic Nation-State. But how did we get here? And what should we do to maintain our good fortune? Or, should we want a different for of political organization? I am well aware of liberal democracy’s flaws, but I am not confident that we can come up with anything better.
This section of our course is about the making of the Liberal Democratic Nation-State. I use the word making quite deliberately. Everything has a history. You and I do as well; we rise and we fall, we are born and we perish. To understand anything, we must begin with its roots. The roots of Liberal democracy and the invention of the viable institutions to put this idea into practice didn’t come from out of the blue. Like you, the advent of liberal-democratic states has identifiable life story.
In the spirt of the video by Steven Jay Gould (which you watched earlier), I shall argue that there was nothing inevitable about the rise of liberal politics, values, institutions, and ideas in the western world. Nor, for that matter, is there anything inevitable about liberal-democracy’s survival. All things must pass. Just ask Roman emperors, Chinese emporors, medieval princes, Benito Mussolini, Josef Stalin, and Walter White.
Once we have worked our way through this historical background, I will provide you with some clues for understanding the turmoil of liberal democratic politics in the US and Europe today.
While I proceed through the coming lectures, consider what Warren Buffett has to say about the “Ovarian Factor”: READ What does this article have to do with my arguments? Does it apply equally to all Americans? How might it apply to you?
For example, federal funding for prostate cancer research [per years of life lost] is nearly 12 times greater than funding for research on ovarian cancer? See here. How would Buffett explain the disparity?
Here’s the link that I promised on an earlier version of this evolving syllabus (in that version I said, “If you don’t see the link in the coming week, please remind me to post it.”) The topic is women’s sports. It is directly related to your second discussion section about what should or shouldn’t be taught in one of the greatest institutional manifestations of modern liberalism: the university. HERE
5. Lecture: Monday, September 4
The rise of social, political, and economic cultures that were hostile to liberal ideas, but had everything to do with the possibility of Liberalism.
Four major events in Europe between the fifth and nineteenth centuries eventually made the institution of Modern Liberalism possible, although definitely not inevitable. These were: 1) the fall of the Roman empire, 2) the birth of feudalism, 3) the contribution of Protestant ideas to the Industrial Revolution and modern capitalism; and 4) the rise of the entrepreneurial bourgeoisie.
Assignment: Print and read the following chapter (Chapter 5) by Max Weber, one of the most influential, early social scientists and a pioneer of the theory of “unintended consequences.” As you reflect upon the essay by the Catholic priest, Martin Luther–Luther was definitely not a Protestant!–keep Weber’s theory of political and social change in mind.
We can never understand our culture, or ourselves as individuals, without recognizing that those of us who grew up in North America were all raised as “Protestants.” Yes, this is true even of those Americans who self-identify as Catholics, and for that matter, even as atheists. To make sense of this statement, the key point is to understand what I mean by the concept of “Protestant.”
Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, only chapter 5: PRINT AND READ
I am asking you to read this challenging chapter for two reasons. First, I want you to identify the central points in his argument. Second, I want you to develop the skills to identify and distill the primary features of a dense argument. There is lots of information here that you–and I–don’t know. Don’t worry about that. Concentrate on identifying the argument.
Background: Martin Luther, “The Freedom of a Christian” SKIM This is a long essay by an angry Catholic priest. I am primarily interested in having you a feel for its revolutionary tone. Note how skillfully Luther praises the Pope while attacking everyone around him and especially the church’s policies.
Alec Ryrie, Foreign Policy, “Martin Luther Was the Donald Trump of 1517,” May 23, 2017. READ A provocative comparison of the political styles of Martin Luther and Donald Trump. I like this phrase: “And yet, if Luther’s and Trump’s respective dramas are strikingly familiar, it is because they are both about how long-standing political establishments fail to cope with disruptive outsiders, often hastening their own moments of reckoning.”
6. Lecture: Wednesday, September 6
Liberal democracy, as we know it today, was shaped by a meteoric development in the nineteenth century: The opening of the boundaries of the political realm to the participation of ever broader sectors of society. Because this development took place in different settings, it took different forms. These differences are reflected in the political culture and institutions of every liberal-democratic nation-state. Conflicts over the opening of the boundaries of participation are still taking place around the world, even–or perhaps especially–in the United States.
Today’s Premise: The tumultuous intrusion of the “unwashed and unwanted” into the Liberal arena was unanticipated. Paradoxically, although this development was not welcomed by the ruling elites, their own decisions made it possible. In fact, if they had known it was coming, they would have done everything they could to prevent the “unwashed” from joining their circles. How do we account for this unforeseen and unforeseeable transformation? Since people in power do not intentionally make decisions that will undermine their interests, I argue that a hostile idea, such as Liberalism, could only have arisen as the unintended consequences of the decisions of power holders. Weber agrees.
For one depiction of the theory of unintended consequences, watch this famous video: HERE
“In a democracy it’s your vote that counts. In feudalism, it’s your count that votes!” (McAdams)
Required reading:
Roger Kingdon, America the Unusual, Chapter 4.
I prefer that you buy the book, but if you use this link, you must print it and have it available for relevant discussion sections.
Optional, but highly recommended readings:
Kingdon emphasizes the importance of the different paths taken by states that eventually became liberal democracies. The ideas behind the American Revolution and the French Revolution are examples of the consequences of these different paths, although each resulted in liberal democratic institutions. How are these differences reflected in the two founding declarations below? Look closely at what the French Declaration suggests about the role of the state. Also see what it says about the obligations of citizens (a subject that doesn’t show up in the American declaration). For reasons we will discuss, Americans don’t like the idea of political obligation:
The American “Declaration of Independence”READ
The French National Assembly, “Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen” READ
7. Discussion Section: Friday, September 8
Discussion theme: Your discussion today will be focus on my argument about Protestantism: “America’s culture of radical individualism means that we are all Protestants.” Focus on these questions:
1) If McAdams is right, what does he mean by suggesting that even American Catholics are “Protestants”? For that matter why are even atheists Protestants?
2) The culture of radical individualism that grew out of Protestantism is epitomized by archetypical American heroes, such as Arnold Schwarzenegger (see Pumping Iron) and Eminem (see Eight Mile). Are the effects of this culture always beneficial? How would Buffett’s argument about the “Ovarian Lottery“ complicate our expectations of American heroes? What traits do these American heroes share in common.
How might Weber’s theory, McAdams’ claims, and your other readings about US history account for our country’s comparatively poor response to the Coronavirus?
Robin Nelson, “How a Virus Exposed the Myth of Rugged Individualism” READ
Paragraph assignment:
“Catholic Notre Dame has no chance of successfully combating the consequences of America’s protestantized culture of ‘rugged individualism.’”
Imagine there is an outbreak of a new, even more dangerous variant of COVID at Notre Dame in the coming months (some variant is definitely on its way!). In this case, will this pessimistic statement about Catholic Notre Dame’s future hold true?
Feel free to read and ask around to find out how ND did with controlling COVID cases on campus. Students were unhappy with the university for very different reasons. Some thought the university didn’t do enough. Some thought it did too much. And, they kept switching sides.
The emergence of Political Parties in the West: Cadre parties, Mass parties, and Catch-all parties.
Today’s Assumption: Political Parties have been major instruments for including disparate groups of people in the modern nation-state, both in Liberal societies and, as we shall see later, other types of societies. Today, the catch-all party is the predominant type of party in the Liberal world. However, the principles behind catch-all politics have become more fragile. The era of catch-all politics has come to an end in post-communist Russia. It is in peril in places like Hungary and Georgia. More interesting, however, is the fact that catch-all politics is under increasing threat in advanced democracies in Europe and the US. One of the prime drivers of these developments is the appeal of populist politicians, who are willing to compromise the principles that make these parties desirable.
Reflect upon the role of catch-all parties in our era of intense polarization. If election to office is dependent on the financial contributions of special interests and the manipulation of voting districts and access to the voting booth, how strong are the incentives for politicians, on both the Left and the Right, to engage in compromise?
If the idea of the catch-all party should fail, what type of party will replace it? Or without such parties, will liberal democracy simply fade away?
Readings:
Roger Kingdon, America the Unusual, chapter 2
Michael Kazen, “How can Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders both be ‘populist’?” PRINT AND READ
Cas Mudde and Cristobal Kaltwasser, Populism, Chapters 1 and 5
How did the efforts of liberal democratic governments to combat the Covid pandemic lead to a “pandemic” of populist politics?
John Lichfield, “The next epidemic: Resurgent Populism,” April 6, 2020, POLITICO: READ
What other developments on the horizon might lead to a new surge in populist politics?
Is there a solution to the polarization that populism generates in liberal democracies?
If you were a member of the US Democratic Party and wanted to learn the lessons from the party’s electoral failures, what might you learn from this politician’s example: “A New Voice for Winning Back Democratic Voters,” READ
9. Lecture: Wednesday, September 13
Fascism was one of two formidable challenges to liberal democracy in the twentieth century. The other major challenger, to which I will turn in a couple weeks, was Leninism.
The goal of this assignment is to get a feel for the ideas and appeal of fascist politics by reading Benito Mussolini’s prognostications about a modern alternative to liberal democracy.
Major Reading: Excerpts from Benito Mussolini, “The Doctrine of Fascism” PRINT AND READ
Don’t worry about the details in Mussolini’s article–I don’t know all of them either–just concentrate on distilling the major features of his argument. Why was Mussolini’s political vision so appealing to millions of people, many of whom undoubtedly led good and decent lives. Indeed, why might aspects of this way of looking at politics and society be appealing to ordinary people today.
Question: Could Fascism be lurking within liberal democracy?
Background reading:
Lukas Hermsmeier, “Germany has a problem” PRINT AND READ
Jason Horowitz, “Far Right Parties are Rising to Power Around Europe. Is Spain Next?” READ
Here’s a debate over a possible resurgence of fascism:
Timothy Snyder is worried, and he doesn’t like a former US President (Guardian, October 30, 2018) PRINT AND READ
Thomas Meaney is not as worried (New Statesman, September 12, 2018) PRINT AND READ
Who is right? Snyder or Meaney?
Optional and fascinating:
If you like, read about the controversy surrounding Tucker Carlson’s one-hour interview of Curtis Yarvin (a.k.a. “Mencius Moldbug”) whom conservative columnist, Andrew Sullivan, has called an advocate of “twentieth-century fascism.” For the controversy over Carlson’s interview, see here.
For Carlson’s entire interview, see HERE Based on what you find here and in your own research, do you think Carlson should have given Yarvin a platform to express his views, even if Yarvin seems to be on fairly good behavior? What would Frank Zappa say?
Again, we return to the role of free speech in a liberal democracy. One can argue both for and against pressing it to the limit.
10. Discussion Section: Friday, September 15
Discussion Topic: Are liberal democratic institutions in the United States and Europe strong enough to survive the rise of populist extremism? Indeed, now that you have read Mussolini, could the US and other advanced democracies be on the verge of embracing something similar to Fascism? This discussion section will prepare your for Monday’s lecture on the Liberal Welfare-State. I contend that the creation of welfare states in Europe and America has been a bulwark against the kind of extremism represented by fascism. But the question remains: Will these states be strong enough to resist the temptation of neo-authoritarianism.
For today’s section and future lectures, read the chapters below.
Cas Mudde and Cristobal Kaltwasser, Populism, chapters 3 and 4.
Paragraph assignment:
Based upon your reading of Mussolini, whose argument about the potential threat of fascism do you find most persuasive, Snyder’s or Meaney’s?
Note: Your response to this question should take the form of an introductory paragraph to a longer, hypothetical essay.
I have two goals in making this assignment:
-
- I want you to think about the possibility that radical forms of “populism” might lead to the end of “liberal democracy.”
- And I want to challenge you to write a great introductory paragraph. Introductory paragraphs should typically do the following things: 1) state the issue; 2) state both your your argument and the argument that is likely to be raised against you; and, 3) provide the reader with a sense of how you will proceed.
As you write this single paragraph, you should imagine what the content and structure of this hypothetical essay would look like. Writing a great introduction takes time, patience, and lots of practice.
One of my major goals in our course is to teach you how to persuade. Regardless of your field of study, if you know how to make persuasive arguments when you leave Notre Dame, you will have an enormous advantage over people who do not have this skill (perhaps most people). I want Notre Dame students to become persuasive leaders.
11. Lecture: Monday, September 18
To one degree or another, all liberal democratic states are Welfare States.
Nevertheless, keep this in mind: Because we live in a liberal-democratic polity, we naturally assume that the Liberal idea will be instantly appealing to all people. Liberalism‘s victory over Fascism more than a half-century ago was far from certain. Without the West’s total victory in World War II, as well as the enormous sacrifices of the Soviet Union, fascism could have remained a powerful force in European politics, especially in countries like Germany, Austria, and Hungary. Fortunately for us, Liberal Democracy won. Yet its triumph was facilitated by the convenient conjunction of two factors: the Allied powers’ (sometimes slight) military advantage and, as I shall suggest today the West’s acceptance of the idea of the Liberal Welfare State.
During Barak Obama’s and Donald Trump’s presidencies and the presidential campaign of 2020, critics frequently equated support for the policies of the Liberal Welfare State with Socialism. However, the equation of all forms of socialism would be inaccurate and downright ahistorical. Populist politicians who call themselves “democratic socialists,” like Bernie Sanders, are certainly not National Socialists and, as I know from conducting research in communist East Germany, they have nothing in common with the extreme forms of socialism, such as communism. The strong-state version of liberal democracy that they advocate is virtually identical to the policies of mainstream Social Democratic and labor parties throughout Europe. The point is simply that there are different forms of liberal-democratic welfare states. In the US, the policies of both Democrats and Republicans reflect their support for the idea of a Liberal Welfare State. They just disagree about the degree to which this state form should play a role in the lives of individual citizens.
Assignments:
On the subject of the Welfare State read:
Kingdon: America the Unusual, Chapter 1 and Chapter 3
I prefer that you buy the book, but if you use this link, you must print all of the relevant chapters available for this discussion section and those to come.
Pew Foundation: “Five Ways in which Americans and Europeans are Different” READ
See here for some notable differences between the US and other liberal democracies on public funding for maternity leave and child care and early childhood education: READ
And, “Going Dutch” READ. One person’s account of the Welfare State in action. If you don’t think this is accurate, visit Holland or any other European country and find out if it is true. It’s that simple. I have spent a good amount of my life in Germany, and I have consistently been amazed at the benefits of a social-democratic welfare state.
Optional: For a more detailed analysis of welfare states and their respective policies see “Comparing Welfare States.” HERE This useful page will give you a sense for the diverse types of liberal welfare states and their diverse paths.
Even if Americans were to vote to implement a European welfare-state model, we must ask whether it would be possible. In line with out discussion about path dependency, what might happen?
12. Lecture: Wednesday, September 20
Reflections on the inherently contradictory and conflict-ridden characteristics of Liberalism.
Today’s Assumption: Liberalism can’t live up to its name unless it has certain essential features. Yet by nature, Liberalism is unstable. The Liberal-democratic character of the US government today is not necessarily the same as it will be tomorrow; it is certainly not the same as it was yesterday. Still, this capacity for change and adaptation can be a very good thing. Indeed, if such Liberal-democratic bastions as Iceland, Monaco, Slovenia, Liechtenstein, Andorra, and the U.S. didn’t change over time, they wouldn’t be Liberal at all. They would probably become dictatorial.
Liberal democracy is not only inherently conflictual. Regrettably, the features that make this political identity great can also be the source of its unraveling. In certain circumstances, good causes can be transformed into ugly sources of unrest and instability. We can see this in the U.S. and Europe today.
Important Film Assignment: Watch “The War at Home.” On library reserve: HERE
Reading assignments:
America is one darn complicated country
Suzy Hansen, “Unlearning the Myth of American Innocence” READ As you read this article, ask yourself what implications it has for our long engagement in Afghanistan and then our hasty retreat.
This article is also a good example of why you MUST: 1) master a different language than your own while you are at ND; and 2) take advantage of ND’s study-abroad programs and experience what it’s like to be confronted with another culture and have no choice but to adapt to other ways of looking at the world. In general, Americans don’t travel abroad. Or, even when they do, they visit famous cultural sites with which they are already comfortable. This is why the US’s engagements (and wars) with other countries are frequently disastrously uninformed. The goal of our best study-abroad programs is to jettison you beyond your comfort level and then compel you to become personally transformed by the experience.
My advice applies equally as much to those of you who are international students.
The Good…
Kingdon, America the Unusual, ch. 5
I strongly prefer that you buy a hard copy of the book, but if you use this link, you must print the chapters and have them available for relevant discussion sections.
What does Notre Dame have to do with the ongoing project of building liberal democracy? Read about Notre Dame students battling the Ku Klux Klan: READ
…the Bad, and the Ugly
Richard Fausset, “A Voice of Hate in America”: READ This author of this article was widely criticized for supposedly humanizing fascism and extremism. It’s worth reading all the way through since it will give you a good sense for the psychology of an extremist. Do you think the criticism of the article is fair?
Consider this heretical question: Are there any circumstances under which you would you resort to violence to protect Liberal Democracy? Or do you think the preservation of Liberal Democracy no longer requires the use of violent means? Keep in mind that the United States was born out of violence. But perhaps we have moved beyond this state of development. We will address this theme when we talk about “the end of history” in the last week of this course.
Your first essay assignment is HERE. You have one week to complete it.
13. Discussion Section: Friday, September 22
There will be no discussion sections on this date. You will be writing your first essay assignment.
14. Lecture: Monday, September 25
Topic and format: TBA