Uncovering Bede’s Theory of Everything with Michelle P. Brown

A few years ago, Ben and Will sat down to chat with Dr. Michelle P. Brown, Professor Emerita of Medieval Manuscript Studies at the School of Advanced Study, University of London and the previous Curator of Illuminated Manuscripts at the British Library. She has published numerous books, key among which are works on Bede, the Lindisfarne Gospels, and the Luttrell Psalter. Their conversation with Dr. Brown was so rich that it was deemed worthy of two whole episodes!

The focus of their conversation was Bede the Venerable, especially in relation to Dr. Brown’s then-forthcoming book, Bede and the Theory of Everything. Bede was a Benedictine monk of the twin monastery Monkwearmouthโ€“Jarrow in Northumbria, England. He is famous for his work Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (Ecclesiastical History of the English People), a work that proved central to the formation of the English identity, and which has, over time, earned Bede the title, “Father of English History.”

Dr. Brown is a well of information on the life and writings of Bede, but she is equally full of insight intoโ€”what is, for herโ€”the vocation of medieval studies. She speaks of moving into the world of Bede, coming to see every individual artifactโ€”no matter how mundane it may at first appearโ€”as an “individual witness” with its own biography. For her, “every pot shard matters.” Every shred of history is irreducibly unique and, in that way, a clue to the whole.

Aglรฆca: Awesome Opponent or Uncanny Invader?

One of the most challenging Old English terms to translate is the enigmatic aglรฆca, a term that has prompted an extensive amount of ink spilled. Earlier translators tended to gloss the term as โ€œmonster,โ€ a definition that applies to the most frequent usage in the corpus. In this vein, J.R. Clark Hall’s Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary defines aglรฆca (m.) as โ€œwretch, monster, demon, fierce enemyโ€ and the related term, aglรฆc (n.) as โ€œtrouble, distress, oppression, misery, griefโ€ (15). Similarly, Bosworth Tollerโ€™s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary offers these six definitions for aglรฆca (n.): โ€œA miserable being, wretch, miscreant, monster, fierce combatant.โ€ These foundational sources substantiate the many translations that render the term as โ€œmonster,โ€ albeit with neutral exceptions such as โ€œfierce combatantโ€ when referring to positive figures and heroes.

A close up of a stone

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Beowulf Manuscript, atol รฆglรฆca โ€œterrible รฆglรฆcaโ€ BL, Cotton Vitellius a.vx. f145v.

Recent critical editions, however, reflect a different trajectory. These editions shift to something more akin to โ€œfierce combatantโ€ than โ€œmonster.โ€ For example, in Beowulf: A Critical Edition, edited by Bruce Mitchell and Fred Robinson, the term appears as โ€œfierce combatant, adversaryโ€ (241). Similarly, Klaeberโ€™s Beowulf: Fourth Edition, edited by R.D. Fulk, Robert Bjork and John Niles, glosses aglรฆca (m.) as โ€œone inspiring awe or misery, formidable one, afflicter, assailant, adversary, combatantโ€ (347). Lastly, the University of Torontoโ€™s Dictionary of Old English [DOE] adheres to this trend, in glossing the term as โ€œawesome opponent, ferocious fighter.โ€ None of these more recent editions include โ€œmonsterโ€ or โ€œwretchโ€ as definitions for the term, nor do any related terms such as โ€œdemonโ€ or โ€œmiscreantโ€ that carry an unequivocally pejorative sense.

The new convention attempts to solve a longstanding problem associated with Beowulf. In that poem, references to both monsters and heroes provoked a blatant inconsistency, which glossed negatively in referencing the monsters and positively in referencing the heroes. The proposed solution to this inconsistency was located in a reference to Bede as theย aglรฆca lareowย aglรฆca teacher, master, preacher.” Given Bedeโ€™s renowned for learned equanimity, it was reasoned that the term could not denote a pejorative meaning. Accordingly, the now conventional glosses, โ€œawesome opponent, ferocious fighterโ€ย applied equally to demonic monsters (Satan in Juliana and Grendel in Beowulf), heroic warriors (Beowulf and Sigemund in Beowulf), missionary saints ( St. Andrew in Andreas) and the venerable scholar (Bede in the prose text, Byrhtferth’s Manual).

A painting of a person standing on a monkey

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Depiction of Mambres with book contemplating Hellโ€™s torments: from a scientific miscellany, England, mid-11th century, Cotton MS Tiberius B V/1,  f. 87v.

The Old English poem Beowulf contains the majority of uses of aglรฆca forms in the entire literary Old English corpus. Indeed, 20 of the 34 iterations of aglรฆca occur in the poem (159, 425, 433, 556, 592, 646, 732, 739, 816, 893, 989, 1000, 1259, 1269, 1512, 2520, 2534, 2557, 2592, 2905), and 11 iterations apply specifically to Grendel (159, 425, 433, 591, 646, 732, 739, 816, 989, 1000, 1269), marking him as the primary aglรฆca in Old English literature. Outside of Beowulf, the term aglรฆca features predominantly for Satan and his demonic minions, marking the term as principally associated with devils. Including Grendel, references to explicitly demonic monsters as aglรฆca occur in 24 of its 34 occurrences, suggesting either a demonic or monstrous association and underscoring that aglรฆca often carries a pejorative sense. Moreover, if we apply a critical lens to some of the heroes in Beowulf who are labeled aglรฆca, namely Heremod, Sigemund and Beowulf himself, as Griffith, Koberl, Orchard, Gwara and others have done, the pejorative could then extend to the heroic figures in the poem.

In sum, the term is used primarily throughout the corpus to refer to monsters or demonsโ€”and above all Satan and Grendel. But, it is also notably used to describe heroes in Beowulf, Saint Andrew in the Old English Andreas, and most bewilderingly of all, to describe Bede. Alex Nicholls points this out in his transformative article highlighting this outlier reference to a renown and highly respected church father as an aglรฆca, which rightly prompted careful study aimed at reconsidering the Old English termโ€™s semantics based primarily on the unusual context in which the term appears in this text, โ€œBede โ€˜Awe-inspiringโ€™ Not โ€˜Monstrousโ€™: Some Problems with Old English Aglรฆca.โ€ And, while we commend this thoughtful reconsideration, we would argue that in fact the article may ultimately have had too large an impact on the semantics of the term, especially defined neutrally as โ€œawesome opponentโ€ as it appears in Toronto’s Dictionary of Old English. As in with other terms, here seems one where two definitions could help, one for the predominant usage of the term, and one that also accommodates the single prose use of the term for Bede.ย 

Detail of a miniature of the First Temptation of Christ: from a Psalter, England (Oxford), c. 1200โ€“1225, Arundel MS 157, f. 5v.

One glaring problem with this solution is that the modern sense of โ€œawesomeโ€ is primarilyโ€”almost universallyโ€”positive, which is diametrically opposed to what the extant lexicographical evidence suggests with respect to the semantics of aglรฆca. Instead, the sense is principally and overwhelmingly pejorative. Thus, we would argue that โ€œawesome opponentโ€ as a modern English translation does not bear out across the corpus. We contend rather that โ€œawful opponentโ€ would better capture the general sense of the term in the vast majority of contexts in which aglรฆca appears. But, even this isnโ€™t quite right. 

Unfortunately, the DOEโ€™s second definition provides an equally unsatisfactory solution in opting for โ€œferocious fighterโ€ as a translation for aglรฆca. As Mark Griffith observes, if the term merely signifies an โ€œformidable opponent,โ€ or something similar, โ€œthen it is very curious that it is not used of other figures in the poetry who could be appropriately so labeledโ€ (35). The term aglรฆca is a noun traditionally understood to be derived from a compound that combines a form of the ege, which Bosworth-Toller defines as โ€œfear, terror, dread, aweโ€ with a form of the verb lacan, which Bosworth-Toller defines as โ€œto swing, to wave about, to play, to fight.โ€ Thus, defining aglรฆca as โ€œferocious fighterโ€ erases the wondrous and terrifying quality [ege] and strips the term of one of its formative elements.

Nichols offers โ€œawe-inspiringโ€ thereby maintaining the โ€œfearโ€ sense in the term, the semantics would apply to both monstrous figures (like Satan and Grendel) as well as marvelous/wonderous heroes. It is ege or โ€œaweโ€ in the sublime and wondrous sense of the term. We would argue that โ€œmonsterโ€ is actually not so bad a translation as the concept of โ€œwonderโ€ and โ€œmonsterโ€ in the medieval period were interwoven in the early medieval literature. Indeed, Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Shortโ€™s A Latin Dictionary, generally regarded considered the best resource for medieval Latin, offers two definitions of monstrum:

1.) a divine omen indicating misfortune, an evil omen, portent
2.) a monster, monstrosity (whether a living being or an inanimate thing)

This wondrous, portentous qualityโ€”this uncanninessโ€”is consistently applicable to aglรฆca โ€”from Satan to Bede. There is of course also the combative aspect of the compound, which seems in every case to correspond to not only an intruder but something akin to a fearsome marauderโ€”an uncanny invader.

Image of a scribe, perhaps Bede, from Yates Thompson MS 26, f. 2r.

This brings us back to Bedeโ€”the one lone positive iteration that seems not to carry a pejorative senseโ€”which occurs in a text from later than most iterations (11th century) and is also the only iteration of the term in prose writing. While this use of the term for Bede is puzzling, though far from inexplicable, it seems overkill to disregard the pejorative sense that applies to the term in 33 of 34 iterations and interpret the semantics of the term as neutral because of a single outlier, especially one removed from the poetic and to a lesser extent the historical context in which the majority of uses of the term appear. Moreover, if we consider the possibility of including โ€œwondrous intruderโ€ as a definition for aglรฆca, it better applies to Bedeโ€™s supernatural visitation. While we are in no way advocating for a return to rendering aglรฆca as โ€œmonsterโ€ in modern English translations of Beowulf, nor do we consider โ€œawesome opponentโ€ or โ€œferocious fighterโ€ suitable definitions for aglรฆca, because the former definition suggests disingenuously probative semantics and the latter disregards the sense of ege โ€œaweโ€ contained in the term. If the term aglรฆca is understood as a โ€œwondrous intruderโ€ or an โ€œuncanny invaderโ€ it applies more neatly to all the Old English contexts in which the term appears. But even these translations lack satisfaction as they largely elide (or at least diminish) the fearful, pejorative sense carried by at least the major of the contexts in which the term appears. This is in part because the word โ€œwonderโ€ and its related forms in modern English are regarded much more positively, whereas an Old English wundor could certainly be marvelous in either a neutral or miraculous sense, but could equally be regarded as monstrous.

Richard Fahey & Chris Vinsonhaler
Medieval Institute
University of Notre Dame & CUNY University


Selected Bibliography & Further Reading

Fahey, Richard. โ€œGrendelโ€™s Shapeshifting: From Shadow Monster to Human Warrior.โ€ Medieval Studies Research Blog. Medieval Institute: University of Notre Dame (October 27, 2021).

โ€”. “Enigmatic Design & Psychomachic Monstrosity in Beowulf.” Dissertation: University of Notre Dame (2019).

โ€”. โ€œThe Lay of Sigemund.โ€ Medieval Studies Research Blog. Medieval Institute: University of Notre Dame (March 22, 2019).

Griffith, Mark. โ€œSome Difficulties in Beowulf, Lines 874-902: Sigemund Reconsidered.โ€ Anglo-Saxon England 24 (1995): 11-41.

Gwara, Scott. Heroic Identity in the World of Beowulf. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2009.

Kรถberl, Johann. The Indeterminacy of Beowulf. Lanham, MD: University of America Press, 2002.

Nicholls, Alex. โ€œBede โ€˜Awe-inspiringโ€™ Not โ€˜Monstrousโ€™: Some Problems with Old English Aglรฆca.โ€ Notes and Queries 38.2 (1991): 147-48.

Oโ€™Brien Oโ€™Keeffe, Katherine. โ€œBeowulf, Lines 702b-836: Transformations and the Limits of the Human.โ€ Texas Studies in Literature and Language 23.4 (1981): 484-94.

Orchard, Andy. Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf-Manuscript. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1995.

Schulman, Jana K. โ€œMonstrous Introductions: Ellengรฆst and Aglรฆcwif.โ€ In Beowulf at Kalamazoo: Essays on Translation and Performance, 69-92. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2012.

Vinsonhaler, N. Chris. โ€œThe Hearmscaรža and the Handshake: Desire and Disruption in the Grendel Episode.โ€ Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 47 (2016): 1-36.

Ambrosiana MS B44 Inferiore and an Easter Homily of Maximus of Turin


MS B44 Inferiore of Milanโ€™s Ambrosiana Library is an unstudied aestivial (summer season) homiliary from the thirteenth century. It is an exceptionally large manuscript, measuring approximately 40cm by 30cm. An eighteenth-century librarian of the Ambrosiana marked it as a homiliary of the โ€œAmbrosian rite,โ€ which is not a description meaningful for ascertaining the paradigms on which the homiliaryโ€™s structure is based. The invocation of the โ€œAmbrosian riteโ€ does, however, point to peculiarities in the Lombard regionโ€™s liturgical calendar which B44 might reflect. The homiliaryโ€™s reflection of local liturgical traditions could best be judged through a study of its โ€œsanctorumโ€ portion; this, however, was not the focus of my time with the manuscript. Despite its large size and length, the homiliary only spans the summer part of the liturgical year. Its de tempore section begins with the Easter Vigil and ends with the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin. The Feast of Maryโ€™s Nativity was locally important since the Milanese Duomo was dedicated, from at least the eleventh century, to the Blessed Virginโ€™s birth.

            To familiarize myself with the manuscriptโ€™s structure and homiletic content, I surveyed the sermons it included for the Easter season (1v-52r), noting sermon incipits from Easter until Pentecost. Though for the sanctorale section, there are a wide variety of authors, the Easter de tempore section largely consists of homilies from Sts. Ambrose, Bede, Gregory, and Augustine. The sermon choices are, however, eclectic, and do not match the arrangement of the paradigmatic homiliaries summarized by Rรฉginald Grรฉgoire in his still-unsurpassed Homรฉliaires Liturgiques Mรฉdiรฉvaux. In short, MS Inf. B44โ€™s Easter sermons do not match those included in the Roman and Toledan homiliaries, nor those in the collections of Pseudo-Fulgencius, Paul the Deacon, or Romain dโ€™Agimond. As far as contemporary homiletic developments go, Inf. B44 also is far removed from the pocket-manuscript homiliaries popular among the mobile mendicants; more generally, the patristic collection of Easter homilies here does not reflect high medieval developments in preaching. No โ€œscholasticโ€ sermons based around themae are included, nor is there any trace of the politically and socially-charged โ€œactivistโ€ preaching of mendicants like Giordano da Pisa (1255-1311) or Remigio de Girolami (d. 1319). In short, though Inf. B44 compiles an eclectic set of sermons, it is a conservative exemplar of the homiliary genre.

            The description of the eighteenth-century Ambrosiana librarian on the manuscriptโ€™s first folio also notes that B44 Inf. was acquired for the Ambrosiana in the seventeenth century, when it was removed from Milanโ€™s cathedral. It is unknown if the homiliary had been a possession of the cathedral from the outset, and, if not, why or when it was moved to the cathedral. Judging by the highly moralizing and interior-focused content of the Easter sermons, it is possible that the homiliary had been used by the cathedral canons or a northern Italian monastic community. From its large size, it seems the homiliary likely would have stayed in one place, for use in private mediation or as an aid for the composition of monastic sermons. If we seek a more specific paradigm, it should be noted that B44 Inf. shares basic similarities with high-medieval Cistercian homiliaries copied in northern Italian and Burgundian monasteries, such as the house of Morimondo near Milan. These Cistercian homiliaries were usually fairly large, written in twelfth-century miniscule, and included sermons of Augustine, Bede, Ambrose, and Gregoryโ€”all characteristics that B44 Inf. shares.[1] However, further study of the Cistercian homiliaries of northern Italy is necessary to ascertain whether these and our manuscript conform to a common paradigm.

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is Maximus-of-Turin-Miniature-from-Medieval-Manuscript.jpg
Saint Maximus of Turin, Anonymous (Italian, Piedmontese), Carte Sciolte, n. 390, Archivio Storico della Cittร , Turin, from Codice degli Statuti di Torino o Codice della Catena,” 1360.

            Particularly interesting among Inf. B44โ€™s Easter sermons is the second entry for the fifth day after Easter, located between ff. 16v and 17v. This homily, misattributed in the manuscript to St. Ambrose (probably as a result of local enthusiasm for that venerable bishop), is actually a probable composition of St. Maximus of Turin, and its main themeโ€”defending oneself from lustful temptationsโ€”coheres well with the manuscriptโ€™s probable monastic origin. However, how the sermon conveys this theme is in no way typical, as it does so by extended engagement with the story of Ulysses and the Sirens. Though in Late Antiquity, scientific exegesis of Greek mythology was very common in neo-Platonic circles, Christocentric engagement with a mythological text is a rare phenomenon, even within Maximusโ€™ own homiletic corpus.

            To provide a brief analysis of the sermon: Maximus begins by recalling the passage of Ulyssesโ€™ ship past the isle of the Sirens, whose lusty song is irresistible to the sailors. Because Ulysses knows that the ship will be lost if it is captured by the siren song, he ties himself to the mast. For Maximus, the mast and the ship to which the sailors cling are figures of the cross of Christ, on which all sin is expiated. Maximus soon moves from the example of Ulyssesโ€”whose story he calls โ€œfictive and not factualโ€โ€”to Mosesโ€™ healing of his people by means of a snake affixed to a staff. Unlike the Ulysses example, the history of the Jewish people is factual, and so truly prefigures Christโ€™s sacrifice. It can be argued that Maximusโ€™ Christocentric interpretation of Ulyssesโ€™ binding to the mast is inspired by Christian exegesis of the Hebrew Scriptures, the methods of which Maximus then applies to Greek myth. There is, after all, a strong exegetical tradition, beginning already with the second century Christian apologist Justin Martyr, which sees shipsโ€”specifically Noahโ€™s arkโ€”as a figure of the cross. From there, the paradigm might be easily transferred even to the ships of Greek myth. But transference is not all that Maximus is doing, notwithstanding his curt dismissal of Ulyssesโ€™ story. For later in the sermon Maximus encapsulates salvation-history thus: โ€œFittingly is he crucified on wood so that, since man was deceived in paradise by the tree of desire, he might now be saved by the same tree of wood; and the matter which was the cause of death might be the remedy of health.โ€ In Maximusโ€™ thought, nature itselfโ€”here instantiated in woodโ€”constitutes the means of salvation, providing remedies for the bodily weakness of humankind. Since Ulyssesโ€™ salvation came directly through divinely-created nature, his tale is not just some forgettable fable. In this conception, however subtly stated, pagans and non-Christians are not outside the economy of salvation, for they, too, exist within a grace-filled nature which can proffer the remedies for their ailments.

For my transcription, translation and recitations (in Modern English and Latin), see my multimedia edition of Maximus of Turin’s homily for the fifth day after Easter in Ambrosiana MS B44 Inferiore.

Mihow McKenny
PhD Candidate in History
University of Notre Dame


[1] Mirella Ferrari, โ€œDopo Bernardo: biblioteche e โ€˜scriptoriaโ€™ cisterciensi dellโ€™Italia settentrionale nel XII secolo,โ€ in Pietro Zerbi, ed., San Bernardo e lโ€™Italia. Milan, 1993, pp. 253-306.

๏ปฟ

Bibliography

Dโ€™Avray, D. L. The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300. Oxford: Clarendon, 1985.

De Lubac, Henri. Medieval Exegesis: The Four Senses of Scripture. 3 volumes. Translated by Mark Sebanc and E. M. Macierowski. Eerdmans, 1998-2009.

Ferrari, Mirella. โ€œDopo Bernardo: biblioteche e โ€˜scriptoriaโ€™ cisterciensi dellโ€™Italia settentrionale nel XII secolo.โ€ In Pietro Zerbi, ed., San Bernardo e lโ€™Italia. Milan, 1993, pp. 253-306.

Grรฉgoire, Rรฉginald. Homรฉliaires liturgiques mรฉdiรฉvaux : analyse de manuscrits. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1980.

Longรจre, Jean. La Prรฉdication Mรฉdiรฉvale. Paris: ร‰tudes Augustiniennes, 1983.

Maximus of Turin. Maximi episcopi taurinensis sermones.Edited by A. Mutzenbecher. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, vol. 23. Turnhout: Brepols, 1962.

Rahner, Hugo, S.J. Greek Myths and Christian Mystery. Translated by Brian Battershaw. New York: Harper and Row, 1963.