MS B44 Inferiore of Milanโs Ambrosiana Library is an unstudied aestivial (summer season) homiliary from the thirteenth century. It is an exceptionally large manuscript, measuring approximately 40cm by 30cm. An eighteenth-century librarian of the Ambrosiana marked it as a homiliary of the โAmbrosian rite,โ which is not a description meaningful for ascertaining the paradigms on which the homiliaryโs structure is based. The invocation of the โAmbrosian riteโ does, however, point to peculiarities in the Lombard regionโs liturgical calendar which B44 might reflect. The homiliaryโs reflection of local liturgical traditions could best be judged through a study of its โsanctorumโ portion; this, however, was not the focus of my time with the manuscript. Despite its large size and length, the homiliary only spans the summer part of the liturgical year. Its de tempore section begins with the Easter Vigil and ends with the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin. The Feast of Maryโs Nativity was locally important since the Milanese Duomo was dedicated, from at least the eleventh century, to the Blessed Virginโs birth.
To familiarize myself with the manuscriptโs structure and homiletic content, I surveyed the sermons it included for the Easter season (1v-52r), noting sermon incipits from Easter until Pentecost. Though for the sanctorale section, there are a wide variety of authors, the Easter de tempore section largely consists of homilies from Sts. Ambrose, Bede, Gregory, and Augustine. The sermon choices are, however, eclectic, and do not match the arrangement of the paradigmatic homiliaries summarized by Rรฉginald Grรฉgoire in his still-unsurpassed Homรฉliaires Liturgiques Mรฉdiรฉvaux. In short, MS Inf. B44โs Easter sermons do not match those included in the Roman and Toledan homiliaries, nor those in the collections of Pseudo-Fulgencius, Paul the Deacon, or Romain dโAgimond. As far as contemporary homiletic developments go, Inf. B44 also is far removed from the pocket-manuscript homiliaries popular among the mobile mendicants; more generally, the patristic collection of Easter homilies here does not reflect high medieval developments in preaching. No โscholasticโ sermons based around themae are included, nor is there any trace of the politically and socially-charged โactivistโ preaching of mendicants like Giordano da Pisa (1255-1311) or Remigio de Girolami (d. 1319). In short, though Inf. B44 compiles an eclectic set of sermons, it is a conservative exemplar of the homiliary genre.
The description of the eighteenth-century Ambrosiana librarian on the manuscriptโs first folio also notes that B44 Inf. was acquired for the Ambrosiana in the seventeenth century, when it was removed from Milanโs cathedral. It is unknown if the homiliary had been a possession of the cathedral from the outset, and, if not, why or when it was moved to the cathedral. Judging by the highly moralizing and interior-focused content of the Easter sermons, it is possible that the homiliary had been used by the cathedral canons or a northern Italian monastic community. From its large size, it seems the homiliary likely would have stayed in one place, for use in private mediation or as an aid for the composition of monastic sermons. If we seek a more specific paradigm, it should be noted that B44 Inf. shares basic similarities with high-medieval Cistercian homiliaries copied in northern Italian and Burgundian monasteries, such as the house of Morimondo near Milan. These Cistercian homiliaries were usually fairly large, written in twelfth-century miniscule, and included sermons of Augustine, Bede, Ambrose, and Gregoryโall characteristics that B44 Inf. shares.[1] However, further study of the Cistercian homiliaries of northern Italy is necessary to ascertain whether these and our manuscript conform to a common paradigm.

Particularly interesting among Inf. B44โs Easter sermons is the second entry for the fifth day after Easter, located between ff. 16v and 17v. This homily, misattributed in the manuscript to St. Ambrose (probably as a result of local enthusiasm for that venerable bishop), is actually a probable composition of St. Maximus of Turin, and its main themeโdefending oneself from lustful temptationsโcoheres well with the manuscriptโs probable monastic origin. However, how the sermon conveys this theme is in no way typical, as it does so by extended engagement with the story of Ulysses and the Sirens. Though in Late Antiquity, scientific exegesis of Greek mythology was very common in neo-Platonic circles, Christocentric engagement with a mythological text is a rare phenomenon, even within Maximusโ own homiletic corpus.
To provide a brief analysis of the sermon: Maximus begins by recalling the passage of Ulyssesโ ship past the isle of the Sirens, whose lusty song is irresistible to the sailors. Because Ulysses knows that the ship will be lost if it is captured by the siren song, he ties himself to the mast. For Maximus, the mast and the ship to which the sailors cling are figures of the cross of Christ, on which all sin is expiated. Maximus soon moves from the example of Ulyssesโwhose story he calls โfictive and not factualโโto Mosesโ healing of his people by means of a snake affixed to a staff. Unlike the Ulysses example, the history of the Jewish people is factual, and so truly prefigures Christโs sacrifice. It can be argued that Maximusโ Christocentric interpretation of Ulyssesโ binding to the mast is inspired by Christian exegesis of the Hebrew Scriptures, the methods of which Maximus then applies to Greek myth. There is, after all, a strong exegetical tradition, beginning already with the second century Christian apologist Justin Martyr, which sees shipsโspecifically Noahโs arkโas a figure of the cross. From there, the paradigm might be easily transferred even to the ships of Greek myth. But transference is not all that Maximus is doing, notwithstanding his curt dismissal of Ulyssesโ story. For later in the sermon Maximus encapsulates salvation-history thus: โFittingly is he crucified on wood so that, since man was deceived in paradise by the tree of desire, he might now be saved by the same tree of wood; and the matter which was the cause of death might be the remedy of health.โ In Maximusโ thought, nature itselfโhere instantiated in woodโconstitutes the means of salvation, providing remedies for the bodily weakness of humankind. Since Ulyssesโ salvation came directly through divinely-created nature, his tale is not just some forgettable fable. In this conception, however subtly stated, pagans and non-Christians are not outside the economy of salvation, for they, too, exist within a grace-filled nature which can proffer the remedies for their ailments.
For my transcription, translation and recitations (in Modern English and Latin), see my multimedia edition of Maximus of Turin’s homily for the fifth day after Easter in Ambrosiana MS B44 Inferiore.
Mihow McKenny
PhD Candidate in History
University of Notre Dame
[1] Mirella Ferrari, โDopo Bernardo: biblioteche e โscriptoriaโ cisterciensi dellโItalia settentrionale nel XII secolo,โ in Pietro Zerbi, ed., San Bernardo e lโItalia. Milan, 1993, pp. 253-306.
๏ปฟ
Bibliography
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De Lubac, Henri. Medieval Exegesis: The Four Senses of Scripture. 3 volumes. Translated by Mark Sebanc and E. M. Macierowski. Eerdmans, 1998-2009.
Ferrari, Mirella. โDopo Bernardo: biblioteche e โscriptoriaโ cisterciensi dellโItalia settentrionale nel XII secolo.โ In Pietro Zerbi, ed., San Bernardo e lโItalia. Milan, 1993, pp. 253-306.
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