An Italian Itinerary for Dante Lovers: Florence (Part 1)

By PROPOLI87 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=109894846

After exploring Rome, the next stop in Italy for a lover of Dante needs to be Florence, his birthplace and home until he was exiled for being a White Guelf in 1302. In Danteโ€™s time, it was a flourishing cultural center at the intersection between ancient trade and pilgrim routes that connected the city to most of the known world. Pilgrims travelling from as far away as England might stop through Florence on their way to Rome, and to this day, the city is associated with a modern pilgrimage route that traces the steps of St. Francis of Assisi to Rome. This centrality not only fostered an immense cultural heritage, but it also positioned Florence at the center of a new European banking industry that made the florin (the coin of Florence) one of the standard currencies throughout Europe. To leave Florence, for Dante, must have felt like leaving not merely his world but the center of the known world itself.

Visitors to Florence today will find an abundance of Dante related things to do from understanding the history of the city at the Museo Storico Topografico Firenze Comโ€™era, the origins of Dante the man at the Museo Casa di Dante, and the cenotaph of Dante in Santa Croce. In the early twentieth century, a team of historians and Dante scholars identified important locations in Florence for understanding the Commedia and marked these locations with white Carrera marble plaques, each containing quotations from Dante. With the aid of this website or Riedesserโ€™s guidebook, Dante lovers can follow the path of the many places and people mentioned by Dante.

While Florence is full of many places for Dante lovers to visit, two particular places in Florence, the Uffizi and the Baptistery of St. John, contain essential pieces of art that help to illuminate some comments made in Purgatorio 11.93โ€”95 given here in the Mandelbaum translation:

In painting Cimabue thought he held

the field, and now itโ€™s Giotto they acclaimโ€“

the former only keeps a shadowed fame.

Although Giotto was an exact contemporary of Dante, Cimabue was about fifteen years older than both of them and Florenceโ€™s most important 13th c. painter. Growing up, Cimabue would have been the โ€œnewest thingโ€ for Dante and the Florentines, but as he ages, Dante will witness Giotto, who was only two years younger than him, rise to fame throughout Italy. Appreciating the way these two artists constantly tried to improve their art and compete with other artists is essential for understanding Danteโ€™s own self-conception as a poet.

The Uffizi is one of the few museums in the world where it is possible to see the constant struggle that many artists have to achieve their own ideals and the way many artists, including both Cimabue and Giotto, return to the same subjects again and again in attempts to both imitate and out-do the other. This kind of collection allows viewers to see artistic development over time in the life of individual artists and not merely time periods.

Two particular examples of this stand out, paintings by Cimabue and his student, Giotto depicting the Virgin and Child Enthroned.

Cimabue, Virgin and Child Enthroned, and Prophets (Santa Trinita Maestร ), Uffizi, 1290-1300, https://www.uffizi.it/en/artworks/virgin-and-child-enthroned-and-prophets-santa-trinita-maesta.

In his Santa Trinita Maestร ,Cimabue takes a favorite subject of artists and approaches it in a fresh way. In Giorgio Vasariโ€™s โ€œLife of Cimabue,โ€ he comments upon this piece, noting, โ€œIn that work, at great pains to respond to the fame already attributed to him, he showed more invention, and a fine approach to the disposition of Our Lady, who he shows with her Son in her arms, surrounded by many angels who venerate her in a field of gold.โ€ This painting illustrates both Cimabueโ€™s excellence in applying Byzantine techniques while also responding to the rising naturalism of his younger pupils, Duccio and Giotto. In his day, Cimabue was considered one of the best, and in this painting in particular, he demonstrates his constant attempts to grow in skill throughout his career, competing not only with himself but even with up and coming artists.

And yet, when this painting on a similar subject is placed alongside Giottoโ€™s Ognissanti Maestร , the innovation of Cimabue begins to look old fashioned.

Giotto, Virgin and Child Enthroned, surrounded by angels and saints (Ognissanti Maestร ), Uffizi, 1300-1305, https://www.uffizi.it/en/artworks/virgin-and-child-enthroned-surrounded-by-angels-and-saints-ognissanti-maesta.

Giotto manages to continue with the Byzantine use of damascene (gold decoration) while using chiaroscuro (light and shade) to create much more realistic faces. His figures also have a kind of weight and proportion to them that gives the viewer a sense that their bodies are much more realistic than Cimabueโ€™s figures. He surrounds the thrown of the Madonna and child with a realistically proportioned tabernacle that is in a fashionable gothic architectural style employing different colors of marble. For years, Giottoโ€™s painting hung in Ognissanti in Florence and became a model for artists working after him.

One thing that Dante will have to learn along his journey through Purgatorio is the flipside of artistic striving. Artists and poets of all sorts in Florence saw constant improvement as an inherent aspect of pursuing high craftsmanship, but inherently, this striving means that those who are great in their day will likely have those who come after them that will surpass them. A truly great artist will both strive to out-do what came before while also humbly recognizing that the fruits of that striving will have their day and pass away.

For Dante, however, the competition will not only be with other poets, but with craftsman of other sorts like the painters, Cimabue and Giotto. To see this more clearly, we will need to visit two other places, the Baptistery of St. John in Florence and the Scrovegni Chapel in Paduaโ€ฆ

Lesley-Anne Dyer Williams is a Professor for Memoria Collegeโ€™s Masters of Arts in Great Books program and graduated with her doctorate from the University of Notre Dameโ€™s Medieval Institute in 2012. She was also the founding director Liberal Arts Guild at LeTourneau University. Her research focuses upon twelfth-century Platonism and poetry, especially Thierry of Chartres and Bernard Silvestris.

Lesley-Anne Dyer Williams
Public Humanities Postdoctoral Fellow
Medieval Institute
University of Notre Dame

Discovering Universal Salvation

Little is more exciting to a medievalist than the discovery of a lost text preserved in a forgotten codex in some neglected archive. Or, in some cases, the text is right under our nose: In 1983, the great Syriac scholar Sebastian Brock came across an unknown work of Isaac of Nineveh in a manuscript at Oxfordโ€™s Bodleian library. Isaac was a monk who lived in Qatar and Mesopotamia during the seventh century (the first century of Islamic rule). In the Bodleian text, Isaac weighed in on a central topic of medieval thought: What happens after we die?

For many Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the premodern Islamic world, the answer to this question was similar, at least in its basic outlines. After an intermediate period in which souls sleep or have a foretaste of their future state, God will raise the dead and pass judgment on every person who has ever lived. Some will suffer eternal punishment, while others experience eternal joy. Poets, preachers, and artists across the medieval world delighted in imagining the exquisite pleasures of paradise and the equally exquisite pains of hell.

Virgil shows Dante the suffering of the simoniacs (15th c.).

As Brock discovered, Isaac rejected the idea of eternal punishment and argued instead for universal salvation. God, he wrote, punishes as a father does, to teach and correct. Punishment in hell is therefore temporary, and God will have mercy on all people. Even the Devil will be saved![1]

Arabic Icon of Isaac of Nineveh.

As I became more interested in Isaacโ€™s views, I found that Brockโ€™s discovery was (as is so often the case) a re-discovery. Around 1100 years earlier, a Christian in ninth-century Iraq named แธคanลซn b. Yลซแธฅannฤ b. al-แนขalt went hunting for Isaacโ€™s books. He would later describe his quest in an Arabic paraphrase of Isaacโ€™s writings. As แธคanลซn tells it, he was consumed with questions raised by his study of the Bible: Does God really grow angry? Do temporal sins deserve eternal punishment? Or does God have mercy on all people?

แธคanลซn asked these questions to anyone who would listen: โ€œThey gave me answers,โ€ he wrote, โ€œbut their answers did not satisfy me!โ€ Eventually, a monk suggested that แธคanลซnโ€™s views resembled those of Isaac of Nineveh. แธคanลซn immediately rushed off in search of Isaacโ€™s books, not stopping until he came to a monastery in the city of al-Anbฤr. Al-Anbฤr lay in central Iraq (near modern-day Fallujah), a region dotted with Christian monasteries.

Syriac Orthodox monastery of Mor Mattai, near Mosul, Iraq.

There, at last, แธคanลซn discovered Isaacโ€™s teaching that the punishments of hell will end and all people will be saved.[2]

When I first read แธคanลซnโ€™s account of Isaacโ€™s views, I was surprised to find how much of it is shaped by the words of the Qurโ€™an, sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, and other Islamic texts.[3] As I read further, I realized that the ways in which แธคanลซn wrote about God and salvation reflected broader debates in โ€˜Abbasid Iraq.

My research at the Medieval Institute examines these debates. They reveal a shared Jewish, Christian, and Islamic conversation about salvation and the related topics of divine mercy, justice, and punishment. Jewish, Christian, and Muslim authors posed the same questions (โ€œDoes God punish to deter evil?โ€ โ€œIs divine mercy universal or particular?โ€) and often answered them in similar terms. Their discussions probed the limits of deeply held religious convictions and were enlivened by colorful metaphors: the condemned delight in hell, as an early Muslim thinker put it, โ€œlike vinegar worms in vinegar.โ€[4] Universal salvation was a minority position in the medieval Islamic world, but the questions and debates surrounding it formed an important part of Jewish, Christian, and Islamic thought and of interreligious exchange.

Discovering Universal Salvation, Part 2:

Entrance to the Egyptian National Library (Dฤr al-Kutub al-Miแนฃriyya).

In 1995, Muแธฅammad b. สฟAbd Allฤh al-Simharฤซ discovered a manuscript in the Egyptian National Library containing the full version of a treatise on universal salvation by Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), a highly influential scholar from medieval Syria.[5] The publication of this text has helped spur a surge of interest in Islamic views of universal salvation, including in the writings of towering figures such as Ibn สฟArabฤซ (d. 1240) and Mulla แนขadra (d. 1640).[6]

But how did these authors develop their ideas? One aim of my research is to show how the seeds of Islamic universalism developed in the earlier debates of the Umayyad and โ€˜Abbasid eras. This does not, of course, take away from the creativity of later thinkers, but it will help us understand more precisely how these thinkers wove together elements from earlier Islamic tradition in new ways that shaped the trajectory of Islamic thought on salvation.

The wonderful resources and community of the Medieval Institute have been a tremendous boon as I examine these Jewish, Christian, and Islamic conversations and the vibrant intellectual culture that fostered them.

John Zaleski
A. W. Mellon Junior Faculty Fellow
Medieval Institute
University of Notre Dame


[1] Sebastian P. Brock (ed. and trans.), Isaac of Nineveh (Isaac the Syrian). โ€˜The Second Partโ€™, Chapters IV-XLI, CSCO 554/5, Syr. 224/5 (Leuven: Peeters, 1995), esp. 148โ€“71 (Syriac) / 160โ€“82 (English).

[2] แธคanลซnโ€™s account is edited in Paul Sbath, Traitรฉs religieux, philosophiques et moraux, extraits des oeuvres dโ€™Isaac de Ninive (VIIe siรจcle) par Ibn As-Salt (IXe siรจcle) (Cairo: N.G. Thamaz, 1934).

[3] On this, see Alexander Treiger, โ€œMutual Influences and Borrowings,โ€ in Routledge Handbook on Christian-Muslim Relations, ed. David Thomas (London: Routledge, 2018), 196โ€“97.

[4] Attributed to Abลซ Ismฤสฟฤซl al-Biแนญแนญฤซkhฤซ, in, e.g. al-Ashสฟarฤซ, Maqฤlฤt al-islฤmiyyฤซn, ed. Helmut Ritter, 3 vols. (Istanbul: Maแนญbaสฟat al-dawla, 1929โ€“1933), 2:475. See also al-Jฤแธฅiแบ“, Kitฤb al-แธคayawฤn, ed. สฟAbd al-Salฤm b. Muแธฅammad Hฤrลซn, 7 vols. (Beirut: Dฤr al-Kitฤb al-สปArabฤซ, 1969), 3:396.

[5] Ibn Taymiyya, Al-Radd สฟalฤ man qฤla bi-fanฤสพ al-janna wa-l-nฤr, ed. Muแธฅammad b. สฟAbd Allฤh al-Simharฤซ (Riyadh: Dฤr al-Balansiyya, 1415/1995).

[6] See especially Mohammad Hassan Khalil, Islam and the Fate of Others (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).

Connecting with the Public through Medieval Animals

As medievalists and scholars who spend our days reading, researching, and teaching the Middle Ages, it is easy to take for granted the vibrancy, intrigue, and importance of the period. But how can we help audiences outside the academy connect to people and cultures so distant from themselves? My own work offers me a readymade solution: animals. For several years, including in my current position as the Public Humanities Postdoctoral Fellow at Notre Dameโ€™s Medieval Institute, I have had the privilege of speaking to many different groups of children and adults across multiple countries about the Middle Ages and its animals. It is always such a great joy to introduce them to the weird and wonderful world of medieval animal riddles and poetry, facts from bestiaries and other encyclopedias, and of course manuscript illuminations.

I usually start these talks with a series of strange animal illustrations from medieval manuscripts, asking the audience simply to guess what the animals are. A recent event for kids at the St Joe County Public Library thus began with these four pictures and more:

Manuscript illuminations from: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Parker Library, MS 053, fol. 193v (CC BY-NC 4.0); Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. gall. 16, fol. 17r; British Library, Royal MS 2 B VII, fol. 102v; Bibliothรจque Municipale de Douai, Ms. 711, fol. 11v (CC BY-NC 3.0).

Then comes the reveal that all of the wildly different illustrations are meant to be the same animal: a crocodile. What follows are usually cries of incredulity and laughter over how inaccurate all the images are. Theyโ€™re not all terrible, of course, and I do make it clear that I choose the silliest ones available.

The significant question, then, is why there are so many bad medieval animals out there. With animals like crocodiles, one straightforward answer is that the illustrators had never seen the creatures in real life, but were drawing them based on writings from other parts of the globe. This becomes a good opportunity to talk about the interconnectedness of the medieval world โ€” an animal from the Nile gets written about by a bishop in Seville, whose words inspire a drawing in Peterborough. This can also lead to conversations about the nature of the writers and illustrators themselves, often monks and other holy men and women who are testament to the importance of medieval religious houses as centers of science and learning, thus challenging a popularly held stereotype about the โ€œDark Agesโ€.

With children (and their grown ups), thereโ€™s a silly drawing game I like to play to put them in the shoes of these medieval illustrators โ€” how good can they be at drawing an animal they have never seen before? This can be done by making up an entirely new beast, but I prefer to defamiliarize an animal that the children already know, asking them to draw it one feature at a time, as with this example with information drawn from medieval accounts:

  1. The animal is reddish in colour.
  2. It has four feet and legs like those of a bull or a deer.
  3. Its body is short at the back and tall at the front so it looks like it is always sitting down.
  4. It has a long neck like a horse.
  5. It has a head like a camel.
  6. It is covered in white spots like a leopard.

By the time the kids figure out that they are drawing a giraffe, the results are usually already hilariously wonky, not far from the illustrations they were laughing at a few minutes ago!

Left: Activity sheets from the St Joe County Public Library event. Right: Manuscript illumination from British Library, Additional MS 11390, fol. 22v.

When giving these talks in the UK, often to school groups, I would generally begin with a different animal that they would be fairly familiar with, the badger. As with crocodiles, medieval illustrations of badgers could be ridiculously unrecognizable, as evident in the two images below.

Manuscript illuminations from: Cambridge University Library, Kk.4.25, fol. 74v (CC BY-NC 4.0); University of Oxford, Bodleian Library MS. Bodl. 130, fol. 85r (CC BY-NC 4.0).

Unlike crocodiles and giraffes, however, medieval Europeans should have been more familiar with badgers; literary, archaeological, and place-name evidence suggests that the animal was a common feature of the British landscape. What excuse, then, could medieval illustrators have in this case? In some instances, there was a method to their madness. According to the Third-Family Bestiary in the above Cambridge manuscript, the badger is called melo in Latin either because of its fondness for honey (mel) or because it is rotundissimo like a melon (melo). Itโ€™s safe to say that this particular illustrator was inspired by the notion of roundness.

The Cambridge illustration also to me recalls Thomas of Cantimprรฉ, the thirteenth-century Flemish Dominican friar and preacher who in his natural encyclopedia, De natura rerum, wrote that the fatness of a badger increases when the moon waxes and diminishes when it wanes. As nocturnal animals, some badger behaviours (notably their mating patterns) are thought to be influenced by lunar cycles. Lunar influence on its rotundity may be more dubious, but did have significant practical implications. Thomas later stated that badger fat is a useful cure for fevers, which means that it was important to know when the animal would be at its fattest and most medicinally useful, and illustrations are a good way to get that lesson across. These may not be the most accurate illustrations, but they are undoubtedly memorable, which makes them extremely effective teaching and memorization tools.

This example thus becomes a good way to demonstrate to audiences beyond the academy that the so-called โ€œDark Agesโ€ were really a time of curiosity, observation, experimentation, and innovation, when science and medicine were given great importance and there was a deep investment in understanding the world around us. Medieval animal texts are a testament to a love for learning and science and stories, and therefore a great way to help the public, children and adults alike, to connect with the Middle Ages.

Of course, itโ€™s also very possible that many of these illustrators were simply bad at drawing animals and decided to lean into the absurdity of their creations. On this, I am sure we can all relate.

Ashley Castelino, DPhil
Public Humanities Postdoctoral Fellow
Medieval Institute
University of Notre Dame

Further Reading:

For anyone interested in medieval bestiaries and animal illustrations, bestiary.ca is an invaluable resource, as is theriddleages.bham.ac.uk for anyone interested in medieval riddles. On badgers, see articles on ‘Foxes and Badgers in Anglo-Saxon Life and Landscape‘ and ‘European Badger’s Mating Activities Associated with Moon Phase‘, and Exeter Book Riddle 15.