The Ambiguous Medieval Bat: Fables on Treachery and Survival

In the Middle Ages, the bat was understood to occupy an unusual position amongst animals. Ancient and medieval authors were well aware that while bats have wings and fly, like birds do, they also have teeth, give birth to live young, and produce milkโ€”none of which are avian traits. Premodern taxonomies (systems of classification for living things) differed significantly from modern ones;1 the bat in the medieval period was often spoken of as a bird with some โ€œquadrupedโ€ characteristics.2 For example, some twelfth-century bestiaries, drawing directly from Ambroseโ€™s Hexameron (Book 5, 24.87), say:

The bat [vespertilio], an ignoble animal, takes its name from โ€œeveningโ€ [vespere]. Moreover, it is both flying and a quadruped, and uses its teeth, which you may not be accustomed to finding in other birds. It gives birth like quadrupeds, not as eggs, but as living young.3

Illustration of a bat from the early 13th c. Ashmole Bestiary (Bodleian Library, MS. Ashmole 1511), fol. 63r.

The batโ€™s liminal nature was fodder for medieval fables as well. The most popular medieval bat fable (or at least, the one extant in the greatest number of versions)4 was The Bat and the Birds (Perry Index 566). In this fable, a bat attempts to play both sides in a conflict between quadrupeds and birds, and is ultimately punished for his duplicity.

Ambiguity as Deceptive

A Latin verse version by medieval English author Alexander Neckam, who lived in the late twelfth to early thirteenth century, goes as follows:

De vespertilione et avibus
Quadrupedes et aves gererent dum bella furentes
et modo quadrupedes, nunc fugerent volucres,
versutus vespertilio se iunxit utrisque
ut, quicquid fieret, tutus untrinque foret.
Auribus et mammis se quadrupedem simulabat,
credi par alis alitibus poterat.
Hac se fraude tegens inter fera prelia tutus
fallebat stolidum cautus utrumque genus.
Ut fraus nota fuit, genus hunc abiecit utrumque
et merito placuit ut neutrum neutri.
Hac re quadrupedes et aves dum vespere pausant,
antique fraudis conscius ipse fugit.
Sic qui se fallax nunc his nunc ingerit illis,
omnibus ingratus, iure repulsus erit.5

My translation:

The Bat and the Birds
While the quadrupeds and birds were waging a furious war, and at times the quadrupeds were fleeing, at other times the birds, the cunning bat united himself to both, so that, whatever happened, he would be safe from both sides. He resembled the quadrupeds in his ears and teats, and could be taken for a bird because of his wings. So, deceptively hiding himself, safe amongst the fighting beasts, the cautious one tricked the foolish ones of both kinds. When the deceit was known, both kinds cast him out, and he deservedly was accepted by neither one nor the other. Because of this, when quadrupeds and birds rest in the evening, he, conscious of the earlier deception, flees. Thus, whichever deceitful one pushes himself onto first some, then onto others, will justly be rejected, unacceptable to all.

The bat in the fable of The Bat and the Birds values self-protection above โ€œloyaltyโ€ to one party or another, and sits uneasily between categories. Neckamโ€™s version construes his strategy as clever, but deceptive, and judges his ultimate status as an exile as well-deserved, and perhaps inevitable.

Illustration of the War of the Birds and the Beasts, in an 1863 edition of Croxallโ€™s Fables of Aesop, p. 228.

While Neckamโ€™s moral is pretty general, moralizing the conflicting groups as โ€œsomeโ€ and โ€œothersโ€ whom one shouldnโ€™t act fickle towards, other medieval (and modern) moralists were more direct in casting the fable in political terms. William Caxtonโ€™s Aesop (1484) proclaims:

And therfore he that wylle serue two lordes contrary one to other may not be good ne trewe/ And they whiche relynquen and leue theyr owne lordes for to seruve another straunger/ whiche is enemy to theyr lord/ ben wel worthy to be punysshed/6

(And therefore, he that will serve two lords opposed to one another cannot be good or faithful. And those who abandon and leave their own lords to serve another foreigner who is enemy to their lord are well worthy to be punished.)

Eighteenth-century churchman Samuel Croxall, meanwhile, waxed fervent about deserters and traitors to oneโ€™s country:

For any one to desert the interest of his country, and turn renegado, either out of fear, or any prospect of advantage, is so notoriously vile and low, that it is no wonder if the man, who is determined in it, is for ever ashamed to see the sun, and to show himself in the eyes of those whose cause he has betrayed.7

Illustration of a bat from a bestiary, British Library, Harley MS 3244, folio 55v.

The batโ€™s ambiguous nature does not jibe well with Caxtonโ€™s and Croxallโ€™s denouncements, which compare him to someone who deserts their lord or betrays their country. Indeed, perhaps his nature, as the fables have it, does not jibe well with the genre’s broader tendency to naturalize and essentialize social categories, by using animals as metaphors for humans, as I have discussed in previous posts. Fables map species differences to human social differences, and in so doing, often portray these social differences as inherent and immutableโ€”stark as the differences between a donkey and a lion, or a wolf and a sheep.

But, after all, which group should the bat try to belong to, in this fable? If he were to side only with the quadrupeds, the birds might deem him a traitor, and vice versa. His characteristics align him with both sides. In a sense, by allying with both sides at different points in time, he is being true to his own nature, which is ambiguous. This ambiguity can render him safer, but it can also render him more vulnerable.

Ambiguity as Adaptive

Another bat fable depicts the batโ€™s ambiguous characteristics as potentially adaptive in the face of danger, and indeed as something for humans to emulate. In the fable of The Bat and the Weasel (Perry Index 172), a bat is captured by a weasel and pleads for his life. The weasel insists that she cannot spare the bat, since she is the enemy of all winged creatures. Declaring that he is not a bird, but a mouse, the bat is freed.8 Then, he is caught by a second weasel, who claims to hate all mice. The bat now insists he is not a mouse, but a bat, and he is once again released. The conclusion: โ€œThe fable demonstrates that we too must not persist in the same devices, reckoning that those who adapt themselves to circumstances often escape dangers.โ€9

Image of a bat from Bibliothรจque dโ€™Amiens Mรฉtropole, MS. 399 folio 149r.

Together, these bat fables speak not only to the perceived ambiguity of the bat as a creature, but the perceived ambiguity of being ambiguous. Those who donโ€™t fit into a single category can face mistrust and disapprobation, but that same liminality can also be a source of strength.

Linnet Heald
PhD in Medieval Studies
University of Notre Dame

  1. See Susan Crane, โ€œA Taxonomy of Creatures in the Second-Family Bestiary,โ€ in New Medieval Literatures vol. 10, issue 1 (2008), pp. 1-48, for an insightful analysis of medieval bestiary taxonomy, for instance. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  2. Live birth and the production of milk are of course mammal traits, not quadruped traits per se. The taxonomic category of โ€œmammalsโ€ was introduced by Carl Linnaeus in the eighteenth century, however, and would be anachronistic here. Interestingly, Linnaeus categorized both bats and humans as primates. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  3. Vespertilio, animal ignobile, a vespere nomen accepit. Est autem volatile idemque quadrupes, et dentibus utitur, quos in aliis avibus reperire non soleas. Parit ut quadrupedia, non ova sed pullos viventes. Latin text from Willene B. Clark, A Medieval Book of Beasts: The Second-Family Bestiary (The Boydell Press, 2006), p. 182. Translations in this post are mine (unless otherwise stated). My own translation above differs little from Clarkโ€™s, but Clark notably translates ut quadrupedia as โ€œlike mammals.โ€ โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  4. See Francisco Rodrรญguez Adrados, History of the Graeco-Latin Fable, vol.3 (Brill, 2003), p. 727. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  5. Giovanni Garbugino, ed., Alessandro Neckam, Novus Aesopus, Favolisti latini medievali, vol. 2. (Universitร  di Genova Facoltร  di Lettere, 1987), p. 56. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  6. R. T. Lenaghan, ed., Caxtonโ€™s Aesop, Edited with an Introduction and Notes (Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 107. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  7. Samuel Croxall, Fables of Aesop and Others, Translated into English, with Instructive Applications, and One Hundred and Ninety-Eight Illustrations (Boston: T. O. H. P. Burnham, 1863), p. 229. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  8. There is some slippage in terminology hereโ€”the bat didnโ€™t deny he was winged, he denied he was a bird! However, this assertion satisfies the first captor. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ
  9. I have epitomized L. Radifโ€™s Italian translation, from Greek, of the fableโ€™s narrative; the moral is, as Radif renders it, โ€œLa favola mostra che bisogna che anche noi non persistiamo negli stessi accorgimenti, calcolando che coloro che si adeguano alle circostanze spesso sfuggono ai pericoli.โ€ L. Radif, โ€œIl vespertilio protagonista di una favola di Alessandro Neckam,โ€ Favolisti latini medievali e umanistici, vol. 7 (Universitร  di Genova Facoltร  di Lettere, 1998), p. 79. โ†ฉ๏ธŽ

“My Mother Told Me”: Egils saga to History Channel’s Vikings

Like many viewers, I quite enjoyed the History Channelโ€™s TV show Vikings. Despite the historical inaccuracies, the altered timelines and invented kinship bonds, in addition to the misrepresentations and adaptations of characters and events, I appreciated the intergenerational quality that seemed to translate that rare quality embedded within the Old Norse-Icelandic sagas. And, the version of รžat mรฆlti mรญn mรณรฐir โ€œMy Mother Told Meโ€ featured in their Season 4, Episode 9 (“Death All ‘Round”) burrowed into my mind like an ear-wyrm.

Like many, I looked into the origins of the song, and was delighted to learn about its genesis in Egils saga. The verse (lausavรญsa), attributed to the famous Icelandic warrior-poet Egill Skallagrรญmsson, comes from Egils saga (chapter 40), where a young Egill describes his youthful ambitions to become a Viking voyager. The saga survives in medieval Icelandic parchment and paper manuscripts (such as the 15th-century Mรถรฐruvallabรณk or later transcriptions housed in Icelandic manuscript collections). 

As I read the Old Norse-Icelandic lyrics one thing caught my eye and demanded my attention. The line: fara รก brott meรฐ vรญkingum โ€œfare away with the vikingsโ€ (4).

I wondered what made the Michael Hirst choose to translate that one line so differently? I mean the rhyme is catchy, sure, but the decision to erase vikingum โ€œvikingsโ€ from the song baffled me. This would be something to emphasize, in my mind, or at the very least keep in tact, rather than remove. And, like Dr. Jack Crawford, I was intrigued to think about how the original could be versified.

Richard Fahey playing ร“รฐinn at NorthFolk NightMarket at Red Apple Farm, 2027. Photo by Postfix (Mythgrove).

After singing this song with FaeGuild Wondersโ€™ cast in both Old Norse-Icelandic and modern English (Vikings-version) for a number of years at Enchanted Orchard Renaissance Faire and the NorthFolk NightMarket, I was inspired to again team up with my twin brother, Tom Fahey (Totem Faehy). We cocreated a new project, Brothers Grimm, with the mission to bring the medieval into the modern imaginary, in collaboration with his neofolk band, Winds of Alluria, in order to bring my own version of the song to life that blended the Vikings-version, the Old Norse-Icelandic poem, and my original translation.

Accompanied by an imagined rowing rhythm, we used samples to create an aural texture, much like we did in our first Brothers Grimm collaboration on Deor. In order to hear the song, and to see the original Old Norse-Icelandic texts and both modern English translations, see รžat mรฆlti mรญn mรณรฐir.

Richard Fahey, PhD
Medieval Institute 
University of Notre Dame

Further Reading

Fahey, Richard. โ€œPlanting Seeds of Wonder: Local Farming, Regional Agrotourism and the Enchanted Orchard Renaissance Faire.โ€ Medieval Studies Research Blog. Medieval Institute: University of Notre Dame (April 9, 2025).

โ€”. โ€œFrom Grendelkin to the NorthFolk NightMarket: Storytelling, Wintering and an Immersive Dramatization of Beowulf.โ€ Medieval Studies Research Blog. Medieval Institute: University of Notre Dame (February 12, 2025).

โ€”. โ€œDeorโ€™s Dark Elegies.โ€ Medieval Studies Research Blog. Medieval Institute: University of Notre Dame (February 3, 2017).

Hospital Lands

My first interest in Byzantine studies was the hospital. In hindsight, I was influenced by the contemporary politics during my undergraduate years. In the midst of American debates on healthcare, I became fascinated by the medieval concern for the sick that was manifest in the Byzantine hospital.

I wrote my undergraduate thesis and MA thesis on Byzantine hospitals.[1] My doctoral work moved away from this interest in hospitals and into questions of landscape. However, sometimes things you stop looking for can find you instead. Hospitals kept showing up in my research on Byzantine landscapes, often in the guise of the lands in the provinces whose exploitation supported the efforts of healing in the imperial capital.

In this blog post, I want to highlight three Constantinopolitan hospitals, whose estates I have encountered in my research on the landscapes of Western Asia Minor. Linking the hospital with their estate lands reminds us that the charity of the capital often depended upon the labor of the provinces.

Myrelaion

The monastery of the Myrelaion was founded by the emperor Romanos Lepekanos around the year 920 from his own personal mansion. The main church of the monastery is found at Bodrum Camii, which was built upon a late antique rotunda (see photo 1 and 2). 

Bodrum Camii from the far side of the platform created by the late antique rotunda (photo by author).
Image of the columns within the late antique rotunda underneath Bodrum Camii (Photo by Author).

Its hospital is known from a Byzantine medical book, attributed to the Romanos, koukouleisios and protomenutes of the imperial hospital of the Myrelaion in Constantinople (Vind. Med. Gr. 48) who probably also lived during the tenth century.[2]

A dramatic account of the Myrelaion estates in western Asia Minor comes from the Life of Saint Nikephoros of Miletus. Here the managers of these estates are positioned as the villains of the tale, interested in stealing the lands which belong to the metropolitan of Miletus. The titular saint does his best to combat the aggressive growth of these estates, arguing before the emperor in Constantinople that the loss of the episcopal estates was a danger โ€œto both the living and the dead.โ€ 

Pantokrator

The monastery of the Pantokrator was founded by John II Komnenos and his wife, Eirene (formerly Piroska of Hungry) in the twelfth century. The monastery church survives in modern Istanbul as the Zeyrek Camii (see photos 3 and 4).

A view of Zeyrek Camii from the north and below on Ataturk Boulevard (Photo by author).
Inside of the Zeyrek Camii looking south (Photo by author).

The Pantokrator hospital is well known due to the detailed account of its operation in its typikon, a type of monastic charter which lays out the liturgical rules and administrative needs of the monastery at its foundation. For those interested in Byzantine hospitals, the English translation of this typikon is a great primary source to start reading.[3] In fact, the monastery operated four hospitals: a leper hospital, a nursing home, a monastic infirmary, and a medical hospital. I had argued for a relationship between the Unkapanฤฑ cistern and the hospital, due to the prescription of bathing in the hospital shown in the typikon (see photo 5).

Unkapanฤฑ Cistern from below (photo by author).

The typikon also lists the lands given to the monastery. However, my interest is a property given to the monastery after the typikon was composed. The Pantokrator monastery owned the Bare estate in region of Smyrna before the chaos of the Fourth Crusade (1204). Bare is known from the Lembos cartulary, whose new edition and translation should whet the curiosity of anyone interested to learn more.[4]

Sampson

The date of the foundation of the Sampson hospital is less than straightforward.[5] The hospital burned down in the Nika Riots of the sixth century. The hospital, with a wing designated entirely for eyecare, appears in the seventh-century Miracles of Saint Artemios.[6]  In another miracle collection, the hospital is the true stage of the action: tenth-century Miracles of Saint Sampson the Hospitable recorded by Symeon Metaphrastis as part of his larger project of rewriting hagiography. 

The ruins between Hagia Sophia and Hagia Eirene have been excavated roughly where the hospital is known to be located, although this identification is not certain.

The imperial estate known as Sampson was responsible for renaming the city of Priene in western Asia Minor in the twelfth century (see photo 6). The inhabitants of these estates were bad neighbors; three different thirteenth-century monastic archives preserve documents of court cases against them. The Sampson estates may have originated as imperial support for the Sampson hospital, but the estate was under the control of a relative of the emperor in the twelfth century.

A view of the acropolis of Priene from below within the city ruins (photo by author).

Tyler Wolford, PhD
Byzantine Studies Postdoctoral Fellowship
Medieval Institute
University of Notre Dame


[1] Tyler Wolford, Healing on the Fourth Hill: Searching for the Pantokrator Hospital.  Ungraduated Honors Thesis, Ball State University, 2012.  Partially published as ibid., โ€œTo Each According to their Need: Medical and Charitable Institutions in the Pantokrator Monastery.โ€ In Piroska and the Pantokrator: Dynastic Memory, Healing, and Salvation in Komnenian Constantinople.  Edited by Marianne Sรกghy and Robert G. Ousterhout, 195-224. Budapest, 2019.  Ibid., The Hospitals of the Monastery: Contextualizing the Nosokomeion and Xenodocheion in the Monasteries of Late Antique Egypt and Palestine.  Masterโ€™s Thesis, Koรง University, 2014.  Partially published as Tyler Wolford, โ€œSeparate Places for the Sick in the Monastery: The Late Antique Palestinian Infirmary and Guesthouse.โ€ In Places of Illness, Spaces for Healing: The Built Environment of Healthcare in Anatolia Through the Ages.  Edited by Luciene Thys-ลženocak and Inge Uytterhoeven, 133-154.  Istanbul, 2025.

[2] Peregrine Horden, โ€œMedieval hospital formularies: Byzantium and Islam Compared.โ€ In Medical Books in the Byzantine World.  Edited by Barbara Zipser.  Bologna 2013.  150-151.

[3] Robert Jordan.  โ€œ28. Pantokrator.  Typikon of Emperor John II Komnenos for the Monastery of Christ Pantokrator in Constantinople.โ€ In Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents (BMFD), edited by John Philip Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero, 725-781. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2000.

[4] Alexander Daniel Beihammer and Despoina Ariantzi. The Cartulary of the Lembos Monastery Near Smyrna: A Thirteenth-Century Monastic Archive of Byzantine Asia Minor. De Gruyter, 2026.

[5] Timothy Miller, โ€œThe Sampson Hospital of Constantinople.โ€ Byzantinische Forschungen 15 (1990): 101-135.

[6] Virgil S. Crisafulli and John W. Nesbitt.  The Miracles of St. Artemios. The Medieval Mediterranean 13. Leiden, New York, and Kรถln, 1997.